Après avoir compris le contexte des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs, nous allons traiter les différentes phases de la présence de l’union en République Démocratique du Congo. Key words: coup d’etat, adjustments, corruption, political rules and institutionsĬERPESC 07/AF/02/2008 - 21 janvier 2008 En 2003, l’Union européenne, après le lancement des opérations/missions EUPM et CONCORDIA dans les Balkans, a élargi son rayon d’action vers le continent africain. Hence, the nuclear thesis asks is the endowment of institutions in civil society and state conducive to democratic transition in Africa as a requisite foundation for the ACDEG. It analyses the objective of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) that prohibits unconstitutional regime change. Using case studies, the research delves into the political transition processes that have haunted the continent and presents the analytical limitations in current perspectives of the transition to sustainable democracy. Economic adjustments, corruption and rising ethnic tensions that interact causally coincided with such unconstitutional power grab, as a general resistance to pauperization by increasingly coercive states. While more than a hundred coup d’états have been recorded in Africa because of various economic, political and social motives a new trend is people have risen against states in the Afro-Arab Spring that culminated in the forced removals of several regimes. Key words: coup d’etat, democratic experiments, SAPs, resource plunders, It draws conceptual distinction between political openness and democracy and the political agencies and ideologies at play distinguishing between strategic and processual dimensions of the political change. Using cases from African countries, the research delves into the political transition process in Africa since independence, military coups that haunted the continent and presents the analytical limitations in current perspectives of the transition to sustainable democracy in Africa with the distinction between concepts and processes of political openness and political participation. Historically, the illegal exploitation of natural resources has played a key role in triggering and financing conflict in many parts of the Great Lakes Region. Lack of political will and weak governance has tended to contribute to the bourgeoning illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Great Lakes region. Structural adjustments, multinationals exploiting Africa’s mineral resources and rising ethnic tensions characterised the eighties and continue to haunt much of Africa. On March 21, 2012, young military officers protesting the government’s handling of a Tuareg-led rebellion staged a coup against President Amadou Toumani Touré. More than a hundred coup d’états and coups have taken been recorded in Africa since the independence efforts in the 60s. Finally, the outcomes of French interventions demonstrated the ultimate limits of military force as a method for building sustainable political order. The success of French policy greatly depended upon the agreement and cooperation of local elites.
Third, allied African elites exercised a great deal of influence over French policymaking on the continent, including military interventions. Instead, these interests were indirect and were mostly concerned with protecting the economic bases of client or allied regimes. Second, economic interests only played a secondary role in the reasoning of French decisionmakers. First, strategic considerations, strongly linked to ideological concerns relating to security, prestige, and credibility, were the principle factors behind French decisions to intervene. In studying these interventions, as well as conducting a broader analysis of French Africa policy, this dissertation makes four arguments. It is principally based upon two case studies: the French interventions in Zaire in 19, and in Chad between 19. This dissertation focuses on French military interventions in Subsaharan Africa during the presidency of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing.
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